Michelle, 27, was unveiled as face of tanning brand recently
Shows off toned and tanned body in behind the scenes shoot
Swears by peanut butter smoothies and alkaline food delivery service
Posing in the new campaign imagery for Garnier Ambre Solaire No Streaks Bronzer Self Tan range, Michelle Keegan showcases her envy-inducing figure and flawless skin.
And now, the star, who is a spokesmodel for the tanning brand, has revealed the regime that keeps her fit, healthy and glowing from the inside out.
The actress and model, 27, says she is thrilled to be working with the brand. ‘I am really lucky,’ she told FEMAIL. ‘I have always been a fan of the range and have been using it for years so when they asked me to work with them, I was over the moon.’
Sharing her top tanning tips for a flawless faux glow as she shows off her natural beauty in behind the scenes imagery, Michelle advised: ‘Always exfoliate first and not just knees and elbows, all over your body.
‘Next, I moisturise all over and then use Garnier Dry Body Mist all over my body, including the underside of my arms.’
The star, who says her ultimate beauty secrets are simply drinking lots of water and always taking her make-up off before bed, also swears by LVL eyelash treatments.
LVL, which stands for length, volume and lift, flicks, curls and straightens lashes from the roots up so they appear much longer.
‘It helps make my lashes darker and more voluminous,’ says Michelle of the treatment, which takes an hour and a half and lasts over two months.
The star also spoke about how important looking good was to her and how she takes a ‘less is more’ approach to make-up.
Her beauty regime is fairly minimal and she simply cleanses, tones and moisturises every day and treats herself to a facial every other week to rehydrate her skin.
She swears by Simple face wipes, Origins serums and Garnier and Kiehl’s moisturisers.
In terms of her diet, Michelle has been using the SoulMateFood delivery service and says she will be continuing the healthy eating plan when she comes back to Manchester while filming over the next couple of weeks.
Loved by Daisy Lowe and Una Foden, the alkaline food delivery service allows you to create your own healthy menus, which are delivered straight to your front door.
‘It’s perfect for me as I am always on the go at the moment and I can always have it with me,’ she said of the meal service.
When she’s cooking for herself at home, Michelle starts the day with scrambled egg on brown toast with tomato, followed by a high protein banana smoothie with peanut butter. For lunch, she has a turkey or chicken salad sandwich on brown bread and dinner is salad with chicken or prawn.
The actress likes to snack on fruit, nuts and her favourite treat: popcorn.
Bodywise, Michelle says she tries to work out as much as possible and whilst there’s ‘always an excuse not to go’, she ends up feeling better after a workout.
‘I’ve been very busy at the moment but if I have time, I go to the gym 3-4 times per week.’
She doesn’t, however, do any cardio and simply sticks to weight training to tone up.
‘Cardio is good for getting you sweating but it slims you down and I think it makes me look too skinny,’ she admitted.
She also swears by the 8-minute abs YouTube video, which she does when she gets home from the gym.
The 27-year-old star recently showed off her enviable physique, glowing tan and summer designs for Lipsy in a recent campaign shoot.
The former Coronation Street star, whose collections have been a stellar success for the brand, has been hard at work in the design studio to bring fans exactly what they want for the warmer months.
As the clothes horse shows, her new range is full of colourful print playsuits, cool crochet and lots of sophisticated lace.
‘My Lipsy range is doing really well,’ she said. ‘Lots of the pieces have sold out already; it’s my favourite range yet.’
As for the future, Michelle says she ‘may consider’ doing an accessories and jewellery range but for now, she’s focussing on her acting duties.
‘I start filming next week for new movie,’ she revealed. ‘I am also in talks for another film, so fingers crossed it will go well.’
BUDAPEST (Reuters) – Its currency is wounded and its economy besieged by sanctions, yet Russia still has money to spare for potential allies overseas. Even as it scrabbles for foreign funds, Moscow is poised to make a 10 billion euro ($10.8 billion) loan to Hungary, one of the European Union members most sympathetic to it.
Budapest plans to draw on the first tranche of the loan this year, a Hungarian government commissioner told Reuters.
Officially the loan is to finance the expansion of the Paks nuclear power plant, Hungary’s only atomic power station, which supplies about 40 percent of the country’s electricity. But critics say there is another motive as well: Russia buying favor with a European Union (EU) government.
“This Paks deal is camouflage,” said Zoltan Illes, a former lawmaker in the ruling Fidesz party who was a state secretary for the environment until 2014. “This is a financial transaction, and for the Russians this is buying influence.”
Illes, who opposes the use of nuclear energy, believes the deal is more about pumping money into the economy of Hungary, where Prime Minister Viktor Orban faces re-election in 2018, than providing electricity.
For years, Moscow has used commercial relationships – in particular gas sales – to exert influence across Europe. Now those methods are coming under closer scrutiny after the United States and EU imposed tough economic sanctions on Russia for annexing Crimea and supporting separatist fighters in the east of Ukraine.
In return, Russia is striving to retain ties, commercially and diplomatically, from the Baltic states to Europe’s southern rim. The loan to Hungary, agreed last year, is seen by some as part of that undeclared struggle for influence.
Government spokesman Zoltan Kovacs rejected such claims. “The rationale of the Paks investment is not about election campaigns and chances. It serves the country’s long-term energy security,” he said. He added that Russia was helping to build reactors in other countries and that Russia had less economic influence in Hungary than in other Western European states.
Officials in Moscow and Budapest say the nuclear deal was concluded purely on commercial and energy grounds and was good for both countries.
Hungarian Foreign Minister Peter Szijjarto told Reuters the deal was “the business (transaction) of the century.” Rosatom, the Russian state nuclear firm, and the Russian finance ministry responsible for the loan to Hungary did not respond to requests for comment.
Hungary had initially planned to put the contract to expand Paks out to tender, and some Western firms showed interest, along with Rosatom. But Reuters found that Hungary abruptly dropped the idea of a tender.
Specialists in the Development Ministry who had worked on plans to expand the Paks plant were sidelined, said two people familiar with Hungary’s energy sector. Instead, a small group close to Prime Minister Orban chose to award the contract to Rosatom. Russia offered a loan as part of the deal.
Kovacs, the government spokesman, said: “The whole project is being carried out with very serious professional preparations. Decisions of a political nature are naturally made by politicians.”
Since the agreement was struck, Orban has appeared much more friendly towards the Kremlin than his EU peers have done. He has said Europe was shooting itself in the foot by imposing sanctions on Russia, though he did not go so far as blocking sanctions. Orban is also leading a push for a new pipeline to take Russian gas to southeast Europe, bypassing Ukraine.
Last month, Orban hosted Putin in Budapest. He is the only EU leader to invite the Russian president on an official bilateral visit since Malaysian airliner MH17 was shot down over Ukraine in July 2014. Western officials say the plane was most likely brought down by a Russian missile; Russia denies any responsibility.
Standing alongside Putin in the Hungarian parliament, Orban adopted a conciliatory approach to Moscow. He said EU governments were “chasing ghosts” if they believed they could get by without cooperating with Russia.
Asked whether Hungary was being more friendly towards Russia because of the Paks loan, Kovacs said: “Russia is important from an energy aspect, what’s more, it is a strategic partner … But this is not a question of ‘friendship.'”
Orban regularly flouts EU rules with policies that critics label populist. Since he was elected with a two-thirds parliamentary majority in 2010, Orban has imposed windfall taxes on banks, telecoms companies and retail firms to keep the budget deficit in check.
He’s clashed with Brussels over curbs on the media. And he has consolidated his power with measures that critics say weakened democratic checks and balances – an allegation the government denies.
At the same time, he is not a natural Kremlin ally. As a young student in 1989, he burst onto the political scene with an impassioned speech demanding the withdrawal of Soviet forces from Hungary. He and Putin appear to have little personal affinity; at their Feb. 17 meeting in Budapest, their body language was stiff.
However, people who know Orban say he is a pragmatist. “I think power is incredibly important to him per se,” said John Alderdice, who was a leading member along with Orban of an organization called Liberal International, a global network promoting liberalism. “The issue (for him) is: ‘How can I get into power, and hold onto power.'”
In November 2010, soon after he was elected, Orban met Putin in Moscow for talks on economic issues, including further cooperation at the Paks plant. The plant is a huge concrete structure built in the 1970s by Soviet technicians on a floodplain next to the Danube River. Orban was looking to spur growth in Hungary’s economy, and Russia could help him achieve that.
The two men talked for hours, including over lunch, said a source familiar with the discussions. But no decision was taken on the Paks project.
Instead, a team of energy specialists at the Development Ministry in Budapest prepared for an open tender for a contract to expand the plant, according to a former energy official.
In addition to Rosatom, French company Areva expressed interest in bidding, as did U.S. firm Westinghouse, according to three people with knowledge of the preparations.
In early 2013, the plans for a tender were still on track, according to comments by the chief executive of MVM, a Hungarian state-owned energy group, published in the journal of the Paks power station. Bidders were told then that a tender would go ahead, according to a diplomatic source in Hungary.
Late that year the international context changed. In November 2013, then Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovich rejected an association agreement with the EU and instead signed an aid deal with Moscow.
Thousands of pro-Western protesters camped out in Kiev’s central square, determined to make Yanukovich stick with the EU agreement or give up power. The stage was set for the biggest standoff between Russia and the West since the Cold War.
In Budapest, too, there was a change of tack. On Dec. 17, the parliament’s economy committee was convened at one day’s notice. Antal Rogan, a lawmaker with the ruling Fidesz party and head of the committee, called the meeting.
Orban’s chief of staff, Janos Lazar, told the committee that the government was in advanced talks with Russia on extending the life of the Paks plant. “It was sudden,” said Bernadett Szel, an opposition lawmaker.
Pal Kovacs, who at the time was state secretary for energy and had a leading role in preparations for the Paks tender, had not been told the tender was being scrapped, according to a person with links to Hungary’s state energy sector. The source said the deal with Russia was concluded by members of the prime minister’s inner circle.
Government spokesman Zoltan Kovacs said parliament’s approval of the deal showed it had broad political support.
Asked about the decision to scrap the tender and award the contract to Rosatom, Westinghouse said the decision was “abrupt.” Areva declined to comment. Government spokesman Kovacs said: “Of course, the agreement on concrete conditions was made at a given point of time, but it would be a mistake to say it was ‘abrupt.'”
Attila Aszodi, the state commissioner in charge of the Paks expansion, said the Rosatom deal stood out because the Russians had offered long-term financing for the entire construction project, something he said the other prospective bidders would not provide. He told Reuters in a December interview that a tender is “a good tool; however, it is not the silver bullet.”
The Hungarian government has also pointed out that the existing reactors at Paks were built with Soviet nuclear expertise.
Critics say the deal’s terms are generous. Hungary will begin repayments on the loan only once the new reactors are up and running in 2026 and will repay the loan over 21 years. Until 2026 the interest rate will be just under 4 percent, rising to 4.5 percent afterwards and 4.8 to 4.95 percent in the final 14 years.
The terms compare well to market rates for financing, although conditions in every debt deal are different. The Russian loan finally agreed will cover 80 percent of the construction costs, and Hungary will put up the rest. Hungary plans to start drawing on the loan this year to finance planning work for the new reactors, Aszodi told Reuters.
Moscow has voiced its happiness with Hungary’s recent support for Russia. In November last year, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said that Hungary – unlike other ex-Communist states in the EU – conducts itself “responsibly” and does not succumb to “Russophobic approaches.” At a Kremlin ceremony, Putin called Hungary one of Russia’s most important partners.
Orban’s invitation last month added to the mutual appreciation. During the visit, Putin and Orban agreed that Russia would give Hungary several years’ grace to pay for gas that Budapest had committed to buy but never used.
For Orban, though, the cost of staying close to Russia has gone up as the Ukraine crisis has deepened. Some EU governments are uncomfortable with what they see as a drift by Hungary into the Kremlin’s orbit. The United States has also criticized some of Orban’s policies towards Russia, and one U.S. diplomat said there had been a lack of transparency in granting the Paks contract.
Illes, the former environment secretary, said the Paks deal was typical of Orban’s pragmatic style of governing. In the short term he reaped domestic political benefits against opponents, and in the medium term the project will generate jobs.
But for Orban, he said, “long-term considerations, they don’t exist.”
(Additional reporting by Christian Lowe in Warsaw, Karolin Schaps and Nina Chestney in London, Barbara Lewis in Brussels, Geert de Clercq in Paris, and Vladimir Soldatkin and Maria Tsvetkova in Moscow. Editing by Richard Woods and Philippa Fletcher)
When you’re moving a million miles an hour, writing an email and waiting for a response can feel like a generation.
That’s why there are so many ways for you to send messages in real-time today: Google Chat, Facebook Messenger, WhatsApp and the list goes on from there. It’s also why the company behind Slack, the intra-team collaboration tool, has doubled in value to $2 billion in the last six months under the battle cry of killing email.
That’s the backdrop against which Caliber is launching today. Describing itself as “WhatsApp meets LinkedIn,” the app enables users to instantly chat with their business contacts instead of communicating via email.
“We see a huge opportunity in making it much faster for people to interact with their business contacts. By making this process faster, you’re able to reach out to more people and in turn you increase your chances of being more productive and successful in your career,” he says. “This shift from email to messaging is happening not only with your friends.”
Now, we know what you’re thinking: What’s so hard about sending an email? Would I really feel comfortable starting casual real-time convo with a person I only met once at a networking event? Caliber CEO Andres Blank is betting on it, citing Slack as an example.
“Before Slack, people were happy sending emails to their colleagues. But once they started using Slack and sending shorter and more informal messages, they became more productive as a team and moved away from email for internal communications,” he says.
Caliber lets users search their business contacts by skills, companies they’ve worked in and location. Right now, it syncs only with your LinkedIn account, but intends to integrate with your Twitter, Dribbble and Angel List address books in the future.
Prior to launching Caliber, Blank launched and sold the social photo aggregator Pixable for $26.5 million to the Singaporean telecommunications giant SingTel.
Relatives of American passengers on Germanwings flight that crashed in the French Alps, killing everyone onboard, could get more than 10 times the compensation that loved ones of the European passengers receive.
James Healy-Pratt, head of the aviation department at Stewarts Law in London, told The New York Times he has to tell Europeans their settlements are worth less than that of Americans.
What’s more, the 1999 Montreal Convention dictates that airlines responsible for accidental injury or death on an international flight are liable for at least $170,000 per victim.
But aviation lawyers say Germanwings, a subsidiary of Lufthansa, could be responsible for much bigger payouts, depending on where the victims were from.
Most compensation claims are settled out of court, Mike Danko, a plaintiff’s aviation lawyer in California, told The Times, and airlines take into account the country from which passengers can sue and offer compensation that’s usual for a specific country.
In Germany, families are usually compensated for burial costs and psychological help. In America, families in this particular case could get up to $10 million, because they can factor in the deceased’s potential income, the needs of their dependents, and other circumstances, said Danko.
Passengers on Flight 4U9525 came from 16 different countries. The largest group of passengers from a single country were German. There were three Americans onboard.
Argentina’s cabinet chief says Britain’s £180m plan to bolster the Falklands’ defences over 10 years is ‘cheap nationalism’ before the 7 May general election
Argentina has branded Britain’s plans to beef up defences in the Falklands a provocation and a pre-election stunt .
The British defence secretary, Michael Fallon, said on Tuesday that the UK would spend £180m over 10 years to counter “continuous intimidation” from Argentina. The two countries went to war over the islands in 1982.
“This business from Great Britain is a provocation, not just to Argentina but also to the United Nations,” Argentina’s foreign minister, Hector Timerman, said on Wednesday.
The UN’s decolonisation committee adopted a resolution last year calling on Britain to negotiate with Argentina on the islands’ status, as Buenos Aires has long demanded.
Britain argues the islanders should decide for themselves which country they want to belong to. In a 2013 referendum, 99.8% voted to remain a British overseas territory.
Timerman said the British defence initiative made “no sense”. “We are committed to dialogue and international law,” he told Radio del Plata.
Timerman said Argentina would file a formal complaint with the decolonisation committee, saying Britain was “expressly violating UN regulations on not altering the situation when there is a state of controversy regarding a territory’s sovereignty”.
President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner’s cabinet chief, Aníbal Fernández, said the plan was less about Argentinian threats and more about the campaign for Britain’s general election on 7 May.
“They’re facing elections, so they resort to cheap nationalism to put all of British society on tenterhooks over a military matter,” he told a press conference.
Argentina invaded the Falklands, which it calls the Malvinas, in April 1982, sparking a war that it lost in just over two months.
The conflict claimed the lives of 649 Argentinian soldiers, 255 Britons and three islanders.
Indonesian police sparked up a three-tonne pile of marijuana – and accidentally got the residents of West Jakarta high in the process.
According to the Jakarta Post, Palmerha police set fire to a 3.3-tonne heap of cannabis right outside their office, creating a giant cloud of smoke which then dispersed around the local area.
After being engulfed by the fumes, residents reportedly had headaches and felt “dizzy”.
The police had anticipated the powerful plumes and protected themselves with gas masks before setting fire to the pile of drugs, but did not think to warn people that the potent smoke was about to descend on them.
“I got a headache because I wasn’t wearing a mask,” one resident said.
Other passers-by said that the smell of marijuana in the area was “too strong” and overwhelmingly “tangy”.
Several high level officials from the West Jakarta municipality were present when the pile was set on fire.
The weed haul was destroyed along with 1.8 kilograms of crystal methamphetamine and 2,538 ecstasy pills, which the police decided to blend.